In the latest war against humanity, COVID-19 has been unleashed, like bazillions of nanobites spreading around the planet, infecting everyone. No one is safe. Nowhere to hide. Anti-vaxxers and No-maskers are the delivery system, while breathing death on everyone and voting for Republicans. Meanwhile, poor countries with billions of brown and black people can’t even get the vaccines .
Domestic terrorists armed with assault rifles turn average humans( who are just trying to shop and go about their days), into target practice by crazy conspiracy kooks weaponized via stochastic terrorism from political, white supremacist, Neo-Nazi, Trumpism leaders. Racism once believed under control, is now worse in many ways fueled by religious zealots who demonize anyone who is “not them”. COVID gives people an excuse to hate Asians. Wars started in foreign countries between Israel and Palestine give Americans an excuse to hate Jews. Police target brown, black, mentally challenged, poor and hurt, harm, maim, mutilate, taser, and kill. Years ago police were our friends. Trusted, children were taught to run to them if there was trouble. Those times seem like science fiction now.
My friend, George Green, was part of the power elite then reformed and spent the remainder of his life trying to make amends, died in June of 2019. Before he passed he came on my show for his final interview to warn humanity of the impending Depopulation Bomb agenda that would be unleashed in 2020.
The series, “The Last Man on Earth” prophetically announced that the plague that wiped out humanity began in 2020. In the new Netflix series “Sweet Tooth”, the “Sick” kills within hours and hybrid human/animal children are the only types born.
Humans in our world politicize the virus, do not want to vaccinate for fear the vaccine will kill us. Meanwhile, human incubators, a large part of the population remain unvaccinated for political and economic reasons thus allowing the vaccine opportunities to mutate to a strain so powerful (as portrayed in “The Last Man on Earth” and “Sweet Tooth”, that a variation will emerge that kills on contact and new humans cannot be born.
So what are we waiting for? COVID has decimated our world. We will NEVER be the same. Politically we’ve been set back to the 1950s (which was pretty much the dark ages). All progress made over my lifetime (I was born in 1954) is in danger of being eradicated this generation. And not only are people apathetic, they are rather insane, full of hate and rage and acting quite immoral and criminal, have forgotten that our neighbors are our brothers and sisters and that America became the great country it is because it’s a melting pot of diversity, not just about the male, rich and white folks.
With that being said, are we doomed? The human experiment gives us opportunities to give and receive love. Love is a choice. No matter what’s HAPPENING in the outside world, we as co-creators with SOURCE can always choose to love and love unconditionally.
When we choose to love (like backing a concept like vaccines and getting behind and believing that the intentions of those who’ve worked on these vaccines are to HELP people rather than HARM them, you back LOVE in the Universe, in the field, matrix, simulation, grid, from the human form, Earth all the way to GOD SOURCE and unite your consciousness behind LOVE and GOOD.
Millions of people around this globe seek cures for diseases. They work in the world of hope, where cures are possible. While Big Brother, the Corporate Elite or whoever this giant conspiracy-based boogey man is does all they can to hijack, politicize, monetize and defeat the human spirit, kill, hurt, harm and maim. But there’s more of us than them. And we are a greater force for GOOD. And LOVE trumps HATE. So put your money, time and energy on love and higher consciousness and you add your energy to that which serves ALL HUMANITY for the HIGHEST GOOD, and stops supporting billionaires and Dracos at the top of the pyramid.
HARVARD HEALTH BLOG
Why are mRNA vaccines so exciting?
December 10, 2020
- By: Anthony Komaroff, MD, Editor in Chief, Harvard Health Letter
The very first vaccines for COVID-19 to complete phase 3 testing are an entirely new type: mRNA vaccines. Never before have mRNA vaccines — such as the two-dose Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna vaccines that have now received emergency use authorization from the FDA — been approved for use in any disease. How do they differ from traditional vaccines, and what makes them so exciting?
How traditional vaccines work
The main goal of a vaccine for a particular infectious agent, such as the virus that causes COVID-19, is to teach the immune system what that virus looks like. Once educated, the immune system will vigorously attack the actual virus, if it ever enters the body.
Viruses contain a core of genes made of DNA or RNA wrapped in a coat of proteins. To make the coat of protein, the DNA or RNA genes of the virus make messenger RNA (mRNA); the mRNA then makes the proteins. An mRNA of a specific structure makes a protein of a specific structure.
Some traditional vaccines use weakened virus, while others use just a critical piece of the virus’s protein coat. In the case of COVID-19, a piece called the spike protein is the critical piece.
Coronavirus COVID-19 Resource Center
While the COVID-19 pandemic continues to rage in parts of the world, it is slowly retreating in the U.S. There are now three FDA-authorized vaccines, including one for children as young as 12. The vaccines are proving to be nearly as effective in the real world as they were in clinical trials. The CDC has relaxed some prevention measures, particularly for people who are fully vaccinated, and especially outdoors. Meanwhile, scientists continue to explore treatments and to keep an eye on viral variants.STAY INFORMEDView Coronavirus COVID-19 Resource Center
Traditional vaccines work: polio and measles are just two examples of serious illnesses brought under control by vaccines. Collectively, vaccines may have done more good for humanity than any other medical advance in history. But growing large amounts of a virus, and then weakening the virus or extracting the critical piece, takes a lot of time.
Early steps toward mRNA vaccines
About 30 years ago, a handful of scientists began exploring whether vaccines could be made more simply. What if you knew the exact structure of the mRNA that made the critical piece of a virus’s protein coat, such as the spike protein of the COVID-19 virus?
It is relatively easy to make that mRNA in the laboratory, in large amounts. What if you injected that mRNA into someone, and the mRNA then traveled through the bloodstream to be gobbled up by immune system cells, and then those cells started to make the spike protein? Would that educate the immune system?
Overcoming obstacles in creating mRNA vaccines
While the concept seems simple, it required decades of work for mRNA vaccines to overcome a series of hurdles. First, scientists learned how to modify mRNA so that it did not produce violent immune system reactions. Second, they learned how to encourage immune system cells to gobble up the mRNA as it passed by in the blood. Third, they learned how to coax those cells to make large amounts of the critical piece of protein. Finally, they learned how to enclose the mRNA inside microscopically small capsules to protect it from being destroyed by chemicals in our blood.
Along the way, they also learned that, compared to traditional vaccines, mRNA vaccines can actually generate a stronger type of immunity: they stimulate the immune system to make antibodies and immune system killer cells — a double strike at the virus.
Then along came COVID-19
So, 30 years of painstaking research allowed several groups of scientists — including a group at Pfizer working with a German company called BioNTech, and a young company in Massachusetts called Moderna — to bring mRNA vaccine technology to the threshold of actually working. The companies had built platforms that, theoretically, could be used to create a vaccine for any infectious disease simply by inserting the right mRNA sequence for that disease.
Then along came COVID-19. Within weeks of identifying the responsible virus, scientists in China had determined the structure of all of its genes, including the genes that make the spike protein, and published this information on the Internet.
Within minutes, scientists 10,000 miles away began working on the design of an mRNA vaccine. Within weeks, they had made enough vaccine to test it in animals, and then in people. Just 11 months after the discovery of the SARS-CoV-2 virus, regulators in the United Kingdom and the US confirmed that an mRNA vaccine for COVID-19 is effective and safely tolerated, paving the path to widespread immunization. Previously, no new vaccine had been developed in less than four years.
No scientific breakthrough stands alone
Already, mRNA vaccines are being tested for other infectious agents, such as Ebola, Zika virus, and influenza. Cancer cells make proteins that also can be targeted by mRNA vaccines: indeed, recent progress was reported with melanoma. And theoretically, mRNA technology could produce proteins missing in certain diseases, like cystic fibrosis.
Like every breakthrough, the science behind the mRNA vaccine builds on many previous breakthroughs, including
- understanding the structure of DNA and mRNA, and how they work to produce a protein
- inventing technology to determine the genetic sequence of a virus
- inventing technology to build an mRNA that would make a particular protein
- overcoming all of the obstacles that could keep mRNA injected into the muscle of a person’s arm from finding its way to immune system cells deep within the body, and coaxing those cells to make the critical protein
- and information technology to transmit knowledge around the world at light-speed.
Every one of these past discoveries depended on the willingness of scientists to persist in pursuing their longshot dreams — often despite enormous skepticism and even ridicule — and the willingness of society to invest in their research.
Want to participate in COVID-19 research? Download the COVID Symptom Study app to help researchers track symptoms and hot spots across the US. Click here for information.
For more information about COVID-19, see the Harvard Health Coronavirus Resource Center.
From Wikipedia ~ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_Death
|Spread of the Black Death in Europe and the Near East (1346–1353)|
|Location||Eurasia, North Africa|
The Black Death (also known as the Pestilence, the Great Mortality or the Plague) was a bubonic plague pandemic occurring in Afro-Eurasia from 1346 to 1353.[a] It is the most fatal pandemic recorded in human history, causing the death of 75–200 million people in Eurasia and North Africa, peaking in Europe from 1347 to 1351. Bubonic plague is caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis, but it may also cause septicaemic or pneumonic plagues.
The origin of the Black Death is disputed. The pandemic originated either in Central Asia or East Asia but its first definitive appearance was in Crimea in 1347. From Crimea, it was most likely carried by fleas living on the black rats that travelled on Genoese slave ships, spreading through the Mediterranean Basin and reaching Africa, Western Asia and the rest of Europe via Constantinople, Sicily and the Italian Peninsula. There is evidence that once it came ashore, the Black Death was in large part spread by fleas – which cause pneumonic plague – and the person-to-person contact via aerosols which pneumonic plague enables, thus explaining the very fast inland spread of the epidemic, which was faster than would be expected if the primary vector was rat fleas causing bubonic plague.
The Black Death was the second great natural disaster to strike Europe during the Late Middle Ages (the first one being the Great Famine of 1315–1317) and is estimated to have killed 30 percent to 60 percent of the European population. The plague might have reduced the world population from c. 475 million to 350–375 million in the 14th century. There were further outbreaks throughout the Late Middle Ages and, with other contributing factors (the Crisis of the Late Middle Ages), the European population did not regain its level in 1300 until 1500.[b] Outbreaks of the plague recurred around the world until the early 19th century.
- 2Previous plague epidemics
- 314th-century plague
- 3.3Signs and symptoms
- 5In popular culture
- 6See also
- 8Further reading
- 9External links
European writers contemporary with the plague described the disease in Latin as pestis or pestilentia, ‘pestilence’; epidemia, ‘epidemic’; mortalitas, ‘mortality’. In English prior to the 18th century, the event was called the “pestilence” or “great pestilence”, “the plague” or the “great death”. Subsequent to the pandemic “the furste moreyn” (first murrain) or “first pestilence” was applied, to distinguish the mid-14th century phenomenon from other infectious diseases and epidemics of plague. The 1347 pandemic plague was not referred to specifically as “black” in the 14th or 15th centuries in any European language, though the expression “black death” had occasionally been applied to fatal disease beforehand.
“Black death” was not used to describe the plague pandemic in English until the 1750s; the term is first attested in 1755, where it translated Danish: den sorte død, lit. ‘the black death’. This expression as a proper name for the pandemic had been popularized by Swedish and Danish chroniclers in the 15th and early 16th centuries, and in the 16th and 17th centuries was transferred to other languages as a calque: Icelandic: svarti dauði, German: der schwarze Tod, and French: la mort noire. Previously, most European languages had named the pandemic a variant or calque of the Latin: magna mortalitas, lit. ‘Great Death’.
The phrase ‘black death’ – describing Death as black – is very old. Homer used it in the Odyssey to describe the monstrous Scylla, with her mouths “full of black Death” (Ancient Greek: πλεῖοι μέλανος Θανάτοιο, romanized: pleîoi mélanos Thanátoio). Seneca the Younger may have been the first to describe an epidemic as ‘black death’, (Latin: mors atra) but only in reference to the acute lethality and dark prognosis of disease. The 12th–13th century French physician Gilles de Corbeil had already used atra mors to refer to a “pestilential fever” (febris pestilentialis) in his work On the Signs and Symptoms of Diseases (De signis et symptomatibus aegritudium). The phrase mors nigra, ‘black death’, was used in 1350 by Simon de Covino (or Couvin), a Belgian astronomer, in his poem “On the Judgement of the Sun at a Feast of Saturn” (De judicio Solis in convivio Saturni), which attributes the plague to an astrological conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn. His use of the phrase is not connected unambiguously with the plague pandemic of 1347 and appears to refer to the fatal outcome of disease.
The historian Cardinal Francis Aidan Gasquet wrote about the Great Pestilence in 1893 and suggested that it had been “some form of the ordinary Eastern or bubonic plague”.[c] In 1908, Gasquet claimed that use of the name atra mors for the 14th-century epidemic first appeared in a 1631 book on Danish history by J. I. Pontanus: “Commonly and from its effects, they called it the black death” (Vulgo & ab effectu atram mortem vocitabant).
Previous plague epidemics
Recent research has suggested plague first infected humans in Europe and Asia in the Late Neolithic-Early Bronze Age. Research in 2018 found evidence of Yersinia pestis in an ancient Swedish tomb, which may have been associated with the “Neolithic decline” around 3000 BCE, in which European populations fell significantly. This Y. pestis may have been different from more modern types, with bubonic plague transmissible by fleas first known from Bronze Age remains near Samara.
The symptoms of bubonic plague are first attested in a fragment of Rufus of Ephesus preserved by Oribasius; these ancient medical authorities suggest bubonic plague had appeared in the Roman Empire before the reign of Trajan, six centuries before arriving at Pelusium in the reign of Justinian I. In 2013, researchers confirmed earlier speculation that the cause of the Plague of Justinian (541–542 CE, with recurrences until 750) was Y. pestis. This is known as the First plague pandemic.
Main article: Theories of the Black Death
The most authoritative contemporary account is found in a report from the medical faculty in Paris to Philip VI of France. It blamed the heavens, in the form of a conjunction of three planets in 1345 that caused a “great pestilence in the air” (miasma theory). Muslim religious scholars taught that the pandemic was a “martyrdom and mercy” from God, assuring the believer’s place in paradise. For non-believers, it was a punishment. Some Muslim doctors cautioned against trying to prevent or treat a disease sent by God. Others adopted preventive measures and treatments for plague used by Europeans. These Muslim doctors also depended on the writings of the ancient Greeks.
Predominant modern theory
The Oriental rat flea (Xenopsylla cheopis) engorged with blood. This species of flea is the primary vector for the transmission of Yersinia pestis, the organism responsible for spreading bubonic plague in most plague epidemics. Both male and female fleas feed on blood and can transmit the infection.
Oriental rat flea (Xenopsylla cheopis) infected with the Yersinia pestisbacterium which appears as a dark mass in the gut. The foregut (proventriculus) of this flea is blocked by a Y. pestisbiofilm; when the flea feeds on an uninfected hostY. pestis is regurgitated into the wound, causing infection.
Due to climate change in Asia, rodents began to flee the dried-out grasslands to more populated areas, spreading the disease. The plague disease, caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis, is enzootic (commonly present) in populations of fleas carried by ground rodents, including marmots, in various areas, including Central Asia, Kurdistan, Western Asia, North India, Uganda and the western United States.
Y. pestis was discovered by Alexandre Yersin, a pupil of Louis Pasteur, during an epidemic of bubonic plague in Hong Kong in 1894; Yersin also proved this bacillus was present in rodents and suggested the rat was the main vehicle of transmission. The mechanism by which Y. pestis is usually transmitted was established in 1898 by Paul-Louis Simond and was found to involve the bites of fleas whose midguts had become obstructed by replicating Y. pestis several days after feeding on an infected host. This blockage starves the fleas and drives them to aggressive feeding behaviour and attempts to clear the blockage by regurgitation, resulting in thousands of plague bacteria being flushed into the feeding site, infecting the host. The bubonic plague mechanism was also dependent on two populations of rodents: one resistant to the disease, which act as hosts, keeping the disease endemic, and a second that lack resistance. When the second population dies, the fleas move on to other hosts, including people, thus creating a human epidemic.
Skeletons in a mass grave from 1720 to 1721 in Martigues, near Marseille in southern France, yielded molecular evidence of the orientalis strain of Yersinia pestis, the organism responsible for bubonic plague. The second pandemic of bubonic plague was active in Europe from 1347, the beginning of the Black Death, until 1750.
Definitive confirmation of the role of Y. pestis arrived in 2010 with a publication in PLOS Pathogens by Haensch et al.[d] They assessed the presence of DNA/RNA with polymerase chain reaction (PCR) techniques for Y. pestis from the tooth sockets in human skeletons from mass graves in northern, central and southern Europe that were associated archaeologically with the Black Death and subsequent resurgences. The authors concluded that this new research, together with prior analyses from the south of France and Germany, “ends the debate about the cause of the Black Death, and unambiguously demonstrates that Y. pestis was the causative agent of the epidemic plague that devastated Europe during the Middle Ages”. In 2011, these results were further confirmed with genetic evidence derived from Black Death victims in the East Smithfield burial site in England. Schuenemann et al. concluded in 2011 “that the Black Death in medieval Europe was caused by a variant of Y. pestis that may no longer exist”.
Later in 2011, Bos et al. reported in Nature the first draft genome of Y. pestis from plague victims from the same East Smithfield cemetery and indicated that the strain that caused the Black Death is ancestral to most modern strains of Y. pestis.
Since this time, further genomic papers have further confirmed the phylogenetic placement of the Y. pestis strain responsible for the Black Death as both the ancestor of later plague epidemics including the third plague pandemic and as the descendant of the strain responsible for the Plague of Justinian. In addition, plague genomes from significantly earlier in prehistory have been recovered.
It is recognised that an epidemiological account of plague is as important as an identification of symptoms, but researchers are hampered by the lack of reliable statistics from this period. Most work has been done on the spread of the disease in England, and even estimates of overall population at the start vary by over 100% as no census was undertaken in England between the time of publication of the Domesday Book of 1086 and the poll tax of the year 1377. Estimates of plague victims are usually extrapolated from figures for the clergy.
Mathematical modelling is used to match the spreading patterns and the means of transmission. A research in 2018 challenged the popular hypothesis that “infected rats died, their flea parasites could have jumped from the recently dead rat hosts to humans”. It suggested an alternative model in which “the disease was spread from human fleas and body lice to other people”. The second model claims to better fit the trends of death toll because the rat-flea-human hypothesis would have produced a delayed but very high spike in deaths, which contradict historical death data.
Lars Walløe complains that all of these authors “take it for granted that Simond’s infection model, black rat → rat flea → human, which was developed to explain the spread of plague in India, is the only way an epidemic of Yersinia pestis infection could spread”, whilst pointing to several other possibilities. Similarly, Monica Green has argued that greater attention is needed to the range of (especially non-commensal) animals that might be involved in the transmission of plague.
Archaeologist Barney Sloane has argued that there is insufficient evidence of the extinction of numerous rats in the archaeological record of the medieval waterfront in London and that the disease spread too quickly to support the thesis that Y. pestis was spread from fleas on rats; he argues that transmission must have been person to person. This theory is supported by research in 2018 which suggested transmission was more likely by body lice and fleas during the second plague pandemic.
Although academic debate continues, no single alternative solution has achieved widespread acceptance. Many scholars arguing for Y. pestis as the major agent of the pandemic suggest that its extent and symptoms can be explained by a combination of bubonic plague with other diseases, including typhus, smallpox and respiratory infections. In addition to the bubonic infection, others point to additional septicaemic (a type of “blood poisoning”) and pneumonic (an airborne plague that attacks the lungs before the rest of the body) forms of plague, which lengthen the duration of outbreaks throughout the seasons and help account for its high mortality rate and additional recorded symptoms. In 2014, Public Health England announced the results of an examination of 25 bodies exhumed in the Clerkenwell area of London, as well as of wills registered in London during the period, which supported the pneumonic hypothesis. Currently, while osteoarcheologists have conclusively verified the presence of Y. pestis bacteria in burial sites across northern Europe through examination of bones and dental pulp, no other epidemic pathogen has been discovered to bolster the alternative explanations. In the words of one researcher: “Finally, plague is plague.”
Main article: Black Death migration
The importance of hygiene was recognised only in the nineteenth century with the development of the germ theory of disease; until then streets were commonly filthy, with live animals of all sorts around and human parasites abounding, facilitating the spread of transmissible disease.
According to a team of medical geneticists led by Mark Achtman that analysed the genetic variation of the bacterium, Yersinia pestis “evolved in or near China”, from which it spread around the world in multiple epidemics. Later research by a team led by Galina Eroshenko places the origins more specifically in the Tian Shan mountains on the border between Kyrgyzstan and China.
Nestorian graves dating to 1338–1339 near Issyk-Kul in Kyrgyzstan have inscriptions referring to plague, which has led some historians and epidemiologists to think they mark the outbreak of the epidemic. Others favour an origin in China. According to this theory, the disease may have travelled along the Silk Road with Mongol armies and traders, or it could have arrived via ship. Epidemics killed an estimated 25 million across Asia during the fifteen years before the Black Death reached Constantinople in 1347.
Research on the Delhi Sultanate and the Yuan Dynasty shows no evidence of any serious epidemic in fourteenth-century India and no specific evidence of plague in fourteenth-century China, suggesting that the Black Death may not have reached these regions. Ole Benedictow argues that since the first clear reports of the Black Death come from Kaffa, the Black Death most likely originated in the nearby plague focus on the northwestern shore of the Caspian Sea.
The seventh year after it began, it came to England and first began in the towns and ports joining on the seacoasts, in Dorsetshire, where, as in other counties, it made the country quite void of inhabitants so that there were almost none left alive.
… But at length it came to Gloucester, yea even to Oxford and to London, and finally it spread over all England and so wasted the people that scarce the tenth person of any sort was left alive.
Plague was reportedly first introduced to Europe via Genoese traders from their port city of Kaffa in the Crimea in 1347. During a protracted siege of the city, in 1345–1346 the Mongol Golden Horde army of Jani Beg, whose mainly Tatar troops were suffering from the disease, catapulted infected corpses over the city walls of Kaffa to infect the inhabitants, though it is more likely that infected rats travelled across the siege lines to spread the epidemic to the inhabitants. As the disease took hold, Genoese traders fled across the Black Sea to Constantinople, where the disease first arrived in Europe in summer 1347.
The epidemic there killed the 13-year-old son of the Byzantine emperor, John VI Kantakouzenos, who wrote a description of the disease modelled on Thucydides’s account of the 5th century BCE Plague of Athens, but noting the spread of the Black Death by ship between maritime cities. Nicephorus Gregoras also described in writing to Demetrios Kydones the rising death toll, the futility of medicine, and the panic of the citizens. The first outbreak in Constantinople lasted a year, but the disease recurred ten times before 1400.
Carried by twelve Genoese galleys, plague arrived by ship in Sicily in October 1347; the disease spread rapidly all over the island. Galleys from Kaffa reached Genoa and Venice in January 1348, but it was the outbreak in Pisa a few weeks later that was the entry point to northern Italy. Towards the end of January, one of the galleys expelled from Italy arrived in Marseilles.
From Italy, the disease spread northwest across Europe, striking France, Spain (the epidemic began to wreak havoc first on the Crown of Aragon in the spring of 1348), Portugal and England by June 1348, then spread east and north through Germany, Scotland and Scandinavia from 1348 to 1350. It was introduced into Norway in 1349 when a ship landed at Askøy, then spread to Bjørgvin (modern Bergen) and Iceland. Finally, it spread to northwestern Russia in 1351. Plague was somewhat more uncommon in parts of Europe with less developed trade with their neighbours, including the majority of the Basque Country, isolated parts of Belgium and the Netherlands, and isolated Alpine villages throughout the continent.
According to some epidemiologists, periods of unfavourable weather decimated plague-infected rodent populations and forced their fleas onto alternative hosts, inducing plague outbreaks which often peaked in the hot summers of the Mediterranean, as well as during the cool autumn months of the southern Baltic states.[e] Among many other culprits of plague contagiousness, malnutrition, even if distantly, also contributed to such an immense loss in European population, since it weakened immune systems.
Western Asian and North African outbreak
The disease struck various regions in the Middle East and North Africa during the pandemic, leading to serious depopulation and permanent change in both economic and social structures. As infected rodents infected new rodents, the disease spread across the region, entering also from southern Russia.
By autumn 1347, plague had reached Alexandria in Egypt, transmitted by sea from Constantinople; according to a contemporary witness, from a single merchant ship carrying slaves. By late summer 1348 it reached Cairo, capital of the Mamluk Sultanate, cultural centre of the Islamic world, and the largest city in the Mediterranean Basin; the Bahriyya child sultan an-Nasir Hasan fled and more than a third of the 600,000 residents died. The Nile was choked with corpses despite Cairo having a medieval hospital, the late 13th century bimaristan of the Qalawun complex. The historian al-Maqrizi described the abundant work for grave-diggers and practitioners of funeral rites, and plague recurred in Cairo more than fifty times over the following century and half.
During 1347, the disease travelled eastward to Gaza by April; by July it had reached Damascus, and in October plague had broken out in Aleppo. That year, in the territory of modern Lebanon, Syria, Israel, and Palestine, the cities of Ashkelon, Acre, Jerusalem, Sidon, and Homs were all infected. In 1348–1349, the disease reached Antioch. The city’s residents fled to the north, but most of them ended up dying during the journey. Within two years, the plague had spread throughout the Islamic world, from Arabia across North Africa.[page needed] The pandemic spread westwards from Alexandria along the African coast, while in April 1348 Tunis was infected by ship from Sicily. Tunis was then under attack by an army from Morocco; this army dispersed in 1348 and brought the contagion with them to Morocco, whose epidemic may also have been seeded from the Islamic city of Almería in al-Andalus.
Mecca became infected in 1348 by pilgrims performing the Hajj. In 1351 or 1352, the Rasulid sultan of the Yemen, al-Mujahid Ali, was released from Mamluk captivity in Egypt and carried plague with him on his return home. During 1348, records show the city of Mosul suffered a massive epidemic, and the city of Baghdad experienced a second round of the disease.
Signs and symptoms
A hand showing how acralgangrene of the fingers due to bubonic plague causes the skin and flesh to die and turn blackAn inguinal bubo on the upper thigh of a person infected with bubonic plague. Swollen lymph nodes (buboes) often occur in the neck, armpit and groin (inguinal) regions of plague victims.
Symptoms of the disease include fever of 38–41 °C (100–106 °F), headaches, painful aching joints, nausea and vomiting, and a general feeling of malaise. Left untreated, of those that contract the bubonic plague, 80 percent die within eight days.
Contemporary accounts of the pandemic are varied and often imprecise. The most commonly noted symptom was the appearance of buboes (or gavocciolos) in the groin, neck, and armpits, which oozed pus and bled when opened. Boccaccio‘s description:
In men and women alike it first betrayed itself by the emergence of certain tumours in the groin or armpits, some of which grew as large as a common apple, others as an egg … From the two said parts of the body this deadly gavocciolo soon began to propagate and spread itself in all directions indifferently; after which the form of the malady began to change, black spots or livid making their appearance in many cases on the arm or the thigh or elsewhere, now few and large, now minute and numerous. As the gavocciolo had been and still was an infallible token of approaching death, such also were these spots on whomsoever they showed themselves.[f]
This was followed by acute fever and vomiting of blood. Most victims died two to seven days after initial infection. Freckle-like spots and rashes, which could have been caused by flea-bites, were identified as another potential sign of plague.
Lodewijk Heyligen, whose master the Cardinal Colonna died of plague in 1348, noted a distinct form of the disease, pneumonic plague, that infected the lungs and led to respiratory problems. Symptoms include fever, cough, and blood-tinged sputum. As the disease progresses, sputum becomes free-flowing and bright red. Pneumonic plague has a mortality rate of 90 to 95 percent.
Septicaemic plague is the least common of the three forms, with a mortality rate near 100%. Symptoms are high fevers and purple skin patches (purpura due to disseminated intravascular coagulation). In cases of pneumonic and particularly septicaemic plague, the progress of the disease is so rapid that there would often be no time for the development of the enlarged lymph nodes that were noted as buboes.
Main article: Consequences of the Black Death
There are no exact figures for the death toll; the rate varied widely by locality. In urban centres, the greater the population before the outbreak, the longer the duration of the period of abnormal mortality. It killed some 75 to 200 million people in Eurasia.[better source needed] The mortality rate of the Black Death in the 14th century was far greater than the worst 20th-century outbreaks of Y. pestis plague, which occurred in India and killed as much as 3% of the population of certain cities. The overwhelming number of deceased bodies produced by the Black Death caused the necessity of mass burial sites in Europe, sometimes including up to several hundred or several thousand skeletons. The mass burial sites that have been excavated have allowed archaeologists to continue interpreting and defining the biological, sociological, historical, and anthropological implications of the Black Death.
According to medieval historian Philip Daileader, it is likely that over four years, 45–50% of the European population died of plague.[g] Norwegian historian Ole Benedictow suggests it could have been as much as 60% of the European population.[h] In 1348, the disease spread so rapidly that before any physicians or government authorities had time to reflect upon its origins, about a third of the European population had already perished. In crowded cities, it was not uncommon for as much as 50% of the population to die. Half of Paris’ population of 100,000 people died. In Italy, the population of Florence was reduced from between 110,000 and 120,000 inhabitants in 1338 down to 50,000 in 1351. At least 60% of the population of Hamburg and Bremen perished, and a similar percentage of Londoners may have died from the disease as well, with a death toll of approximately 62,000 between 1346 and 1353.[i] Florence’s tax records suggest that 80% of the city’s population died within four months in 1348. Before 1350, there were about 170,000 settlements in Germany, and this was reduced by nearly 40,000 by 1450. The disease bypassed some areas, with the most isolated areas being less vulnerable to contagion. Plague did not appear in Douai in Flanders until the turn of the 15th century, and the impact was less severe on the populations of Hainaut, Finland, northern Germany, and areas of Poland. Monks, nuns, and priests were especially hard-hit since they cared for victims of the Black Death.Citizens of Tournai bury plague victims
The physician to the Avignon Papacy, Raimundo Chalmel de Vinario (Latin: Magister Raimundus, lit. ‘Master Raymond’), observed the decreasing mortality rate of successive outbreaks of plague in 1347–48, 1362, 1371, and 1382 in his 1382 treatise On Epidemics (De epidemica). In the first outbreak, two thirds of the population contracted the illness and most patients died; in the next, half the population became ill but only some died; by the third, a tenth were affected and many survived; while by the fourth occurrence, only one in twenty people were sickened and most of them survived. By the 1380s in Europe, it predominantly affected children. Chalmel de Vinario recognized that bloodletting was ineffective (though he continued to prescribe bleeding for members of the Roman Curia, whom he disliked), and claimed that all true cases of plague were caused by astrological factors and were incurable; he himself was never able to effect a cure.
The most widely accepted estimate for the Middle East, including Iraq, Iran, and Syria, during this time, is for a death toll of about a third of the population. The Black Death killed about 40% of Egypt’s population. In Cairo, with a population numbering as many as 600,000, and possibly the largest city west of China, between one third and 40% of the inhabitants died inside of eight months.
Father abandoned child, wife husband, one brother another; for this illness seemed to strike through the breath and sight. And so they died. And none could be found to bury the dead for money or friendship. Members of a household brought their dead to a ditch as best they could, without priest, without divine offices … great pits were dug and piled deep with the multitude of dead. And they died by the hundreds both day and night … And as soon as those ditches were filled more were dug … And I, Agnolo di Tura … buried my five children with my own hands. And there were also those who were so sparsely covered with earth that the dogs dragged them forth and devoured many bodies throughout the city. There was no one who wept for any death, for all awaited death. And so many died that all believed it was the end of the world.
With such a large population decline from the pandemic, wages soared in response to a labour shortage. On the other hand, in the quarter century after the Black Death in England, it is clear many labourers, artisans, and craftsmen, those living from money-wages alone, did suffer a reduction in real incomes owing to rampant inflation. Landowners were also pushed to substitute monetary rents for labour services in an effort to keep tenants.
Renewed religious fervour and fanaticism bloomed in the wake of the Black Death. Some Europeans targeted “various groups such as Jews, friars, foreigners, beggars, pilgrims“, lepers, and Romani, blaming them for the crisis. Lepers, and others with skin diseases such as acne or psoriasis, were killed throughout Europe.
Because 14th-century healers and governments were at a loss to explain or stop the disease, Europeans turned to astrological forces, earthquakes, and the poisoning of wells by Jews as possible reasons for outbreaks. Many believed the epidemic was a punishment by God for their sins, and could be relieved by winning God’s forgiveness.
There were many attacks against Jewish communities. In the Strasbourg massacre of February 1349, about 2,000 Jews were murdered. In August 1349, the Jewish communities in Mainz and Cologne were annihilated. By 1351, 60 major and 150 smaller Jewish communities had been destroyed. During this period many Jews relocated to Poland, where they received a warm welcome from King Casimir the Great.
One theory that has been advanced is that the devastation in Florence caused by the Black Death, which hit Europe between 1348 and 1350, resulted in a shift in the world view of people in 14th-century Italy and led to the Renaissance. Italy was particularly badly hit by the pandemic, and it has been speculated that the resulting familiarity with death caused thinkers to dwell more on their lives on Earth, rather than on spirituality and the afterlife.[j] It has also been argued that the Black Death prompted a new wave of piety, manifested in the sponsorship of religious works of art.
This does not fully explain why the Renaissance occurred in Italy in the 14th century. The Black Death was a pandemic that affected all of Europe in the ways described, not only Italy. The Renaissance’s emergence in Italy was most likely the result of the complex interaction of the above factors, in combination with an influx of Greek scholars following the fall of the Byzantine Empire. As a result of the drastic reduction in the populace the value of the working class increased, and commoners came to enjoy more freedom. To answer the increased need for labour, workers travelled in search of the most favorable position economically.[better source needed]
Prior to the emergence of the Black Death, the workings of Europe were run by the Catholic Church and the continent was considered a feudalistic society, composed of fiefs and city-states. The pandemic completely restructured both religion and political forces; survivors began to turn to other forms of spirituality and the power dynamics of the fiefs and city-states crumbled.
Cairo’s population, partly owing to the numerous plague epidemics, was in the early 18th century half of what it was in 1347. The populations of some Italian cities, notably Florence, did not regain their pre-14th century size until the 19th century. The demographic decline due to the pandemic had economic consequences: the prices of food dropped and land values declined by 30–40% in most parts of Europe between 1350 and 1400. Landholders faced a great loss, but for ordinary men and women it was a windfall. The survivors of the pandemic found not only that the prices of food were lower but also that lands were more abundant, and many of them inherited property from their dead relatives, and this probably destabilized feudalism.
The word “quarantine” has its roots in this period, though the concept of isolating people to prevent the spread of disease is older. In the city-state of Ragusa (modern Dubrovnik, Croatia), a thirty-day isolation period was implemented in 1377 for new arrivals to the city from plague-affected areas. The isolation period was later extended to forty days, and given the name “quarantino” from the Italian word for “forty”.
Second plague pandemic
The plague repeatedly returned to haunt Europe and the Mediterranean throughout the 14th to 17th centuries. According to Jean-Noël Biraben, the plague was present somewhere in Europe in every year between 1346 and 1671. (Note that some researchers have cautions about the uncritical use of Biraben’s data.) The second pandemic was particularly widespread in the following years: 1360–63; 1374; 1400; 1438–39; 1456–57; 1464–66; 1481–85; 1500–03; 1518–31; 1544–48; 1563–66; 1573–88; 1596–99; 1602–11; 1623–40; 1644–54; and 1664–67. Subsequent outbreaks, though severe, marked the retreat from most of Europe (18th century) and northern Africa (19th century). The historian George Sussman argued that the plague had not occurred in East Africa until the 1900s. However, other sources suggest that the Second pandemic did indeed reach Sub-Saharan Africa.
According to historian Geoffrey Parker, “France alone lost almost a million people to the plague in the epidemic of 1628–31.” In the first half of the 17th century, a plague claimed some 1.7 million victims in Italy. More than 1.25 million deaths resulted from the extreme incidence of plague in 17th-century Spain.Contemporaneous painting of Marseille during the Great Plague in 1720
The Black Death ravaged much of the Islamic world. Plague was present in at least one location in the Islamic world virtually every year between 1500 and 1850. Plague repeatedly struck the cities of North Africa. Algiers lost 30,000–50,000 inhabitants to it in 1620–21, and again in 1654–57, 1665, 1691, and 1740–42. Cairo suffered more than fifty plague epidemics within 150 years from the plague’s first appearance, with the final outbreak of the second pandemic there in the 1840s. Plague remained a major event in Ottoman society until the second quarter of the 19th century. Between 1701 and 1750, thirty-seven larger and smaller epidemics were recorded in Constantinople, and an additional thirty-one between 1751 and 1800. Baghdad has suffered severely from visitations of the plague, and sometimes two-thirds of its population has been wiped out.
Third plague pandemic
Main article: Third plague pandemicWorldwide distribution of plague-infected animals, 1998
The third plague pandemic (1855–1859) started in China in the mid-19th century, spreading to all inhabited continents and killing 10 million people in India alone. The investigation of the pathogen that caused the 19th-century plague was begun by teams of scientists who visited Hong Kong in 1894, among whom was the French-Swiss bacteriologist Alexandre Yersin, after whom the pathogen was named.
Twelve plague outbreaks in Australia between 1900 and 1925 resulted in well over 1,000 deaths, chiefly in Sydney. This led to the establishment of a Public Health Department there which undertook some leading-edge research on plague transmission from rat fleas to humans via the bacillus Yersinia pestis.
Modern treatment methods include insecticides, the use of antibiotics, and a plague vaccine. It is feared that the plague bacterium could develop drug resistance and again become a major health threat. One case of a drug-resistant form of the bacterium was found in Madagascar in 1995. A further outbreak in Madagascar was reported in November 2014. In October 2017 the deadliest outbreak of the plague in modern times hit Madagascar, killing 170 people and infecting thousands.
In popular culture
Further information: Black Death in medieval culture
- A Journal of the Plague Year – 1722 book by Daniel Defoe describing the Great Plague of London of 1665–1666
- Black Death – a 2010 action horror film set in medieval England in 1348
- I promessi sposi (“The Betrothed”) – a plague novel by Alessandro Manzoni, set in Milan, and published in 1827; turned into an opera by Amilcare Ponchielli in 1856, and adapted for film in 1908, 1941, 1990, and 2004
- Cronaca fiorentina (“Chronicle of Florence”) – a literary history of the plague, and of Florence up to 1386, by Baldassarre Bonaiuti
- Danse Macabre (“Dance of Death”) – an artistic genre of allegory of the Late Middle Ages on the universality of death
- The Decameron – by Giovanni Boccaccio, finished in 1353. Tales told by a group of people sheltering from the Black Death in Florence. Numerous adaptations to other media have been made
- Doomsday Book – a 1992 science fiction novel by Connie Willis
- A Feast in Time of Plague – a verse play by Aleksandr Pushkin (1830), made into an opera by César Cui in 1900
- Four thieves vinegar – a popular French legend supposed to provide immunity to the plague
- Geisslerlieder – Medieval “flagellant songs”
- “A Litany in Time of Plague” – a sonnet by Thomas Nashe which was part of his play Summer’s Last Will and Testament (1592)
- The Plague – a 1947 novel by Albert Camus, often read as an allegory about Fascism
- The Seventh Seal – a 1957 film written and directed by Ingmar Bergman
- World Without End – a 2007 novel by Ken Follett, turned into a miniseries of the same name in 2012
- The Years of Rice and Salt – an alternative history novel by Kim Stanley Robinson set in a world in which the plague killed virtually all Europeans
- Second plague pandemic
- Black Death in medieval culture
- Black Death in England
- Crisis of the Late Middle Ages
- Globalization and disease
- List of epidemics
- Timeline of plague
The Depopulation Bomb
– By Jim Keith (An excerpt from Jim Keith’s Casebook on Alternative 3: UFOs, Secret Societies and World Control)
There is a solution other than what the elite consider excess population. Why not prevent the poor – for the sake of argument, let us venture a conservative 99% of the world’s population – from having children altogether, or if that isn’t possible, at least vastly slow their birth rates?
“Eugenics” is a term coined in the latter part of the 19th century by Englishmen Francis Galton to describe the “science” of bettering human stock and the elimination of unwanted characteristics… and individuals. Galton proposed societal intervention for the furtherance of “racial quality,” maintaining that “Jews are specialized for a parasitical existence upon other nations” and that “except by sterilization I cannot yet see any way of checking the produce of the unfit who are allowed their liberty and are below the reach of moral control.”
A survey of eugenics in action begins with isolated incidents such as the sterilization of the mentally ill by American health officials in the late 1800’s and the castration of children at the Pennsylvania Training School for Feebleminded Children in 1889. The movement quickly picked up momentum.
Formerly established as a study at University College in London in 1904, the first laboratory for the study of the subject was constructed by Charles B. Davenport at Cold Springs Harbor on Long Island (which, perhaps significantly, was also the location of the estates of both Dulles brothers, as well as the current headquarters of the Human Genome Organization for DNA mapping). The institute was funded in excess of $11 million by the Harriman and Rockefellers.
Supported in America by the Eastern Establishment, eugenics was nurtured in the hotbeds of Round Table-influenced philosophy, at Harvard, Columbia, and Cornell. The subject was popularized in Germany by Ernst Haeckel, who linked romantic German nature mysticism and the unity of the Volk with clinical bio-policies later instituted by Hitler.
Haeckel believed that there was no unity among the species of mankind, since “the morphological differences between two generally recognized species – for example sheep and goats – are much less important than those… between a Hottentot and a man of the Teutonic race.” In the Aryan race Haeckel saw a “symmetry of all parts, and that equal development, which we call the perfect human beauty.” He also believed the “wooly-haired” peoples “incapable of true inner culture or of a higher mental development… no wooly-haired nation has ever had an important history.”
Haeckel felt the purpose of the nation state was to enforce selective breeding, praising the practices of the Spartans who killed all but “perfectly healthy and strong children” and thus were “continually in excellent strength and vigor.”
In 1906 a group of Haeckel’s academic followers formed the influential Monist League, agitating for a German government patterned along social Darwinian lines.
By 1907 in America, Indiana passed compulsory sterilization for the mentally ill and other “undesirables,” while 475 males received vasectomies at the Indiana State Reformatory.
In 1912 the First International Congress of Eugenics was held in London, including among its directors Winston Churchill, Alexander Graham Bell, Charles Elliot (President emeritus of Harvard University), and David Starr Jordan (President of Stanford University).
The National Conference on Race Betterment was convened in United States in 1914, while by 1917 fifteen American states had eugenics laws on the books, almost all of them legalizing the sterilization of habitual criminals, epileptics, the insane, and the retarded.
H.H. Laughlin, the Expert Eugenics Agent of the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Immigration and Naturalization presented a Model Sterilization Law in 1922. This was to provide the basis for many state eugenics laws, as well as for eugenics law in Nazi Germany.
In 1928 the American Eugenics Society sponsored a contest for essays on the caused of decline in Nordic fertility, while Dr. Robie, at the Third International Congress of Eugenics, called for the sterilization of 14,000,000 Americans with low intelligence scores.
The Nazi Party in Germany passed in 1933 the “Law for the Prevention of Hereditary Diseases in Posterity,” also known as the “Sterilization Law,” written by professor Ernst Rudin, one of the country’s leading psychiatrists. “Heredity Health Courts” were formed, and within three years two hundred and twenty-five thousand German “undesirables” had been sterilized.
Hitler’s policies have been characterized as “a rather straightforward form of German social Darwinism.” Far from being original with him, his policies were expansions upon already-extant political and scientific culture.
By 1939 German policies had evolved to include euthanasia upon asylum inmates while eugenics concepts were implemented to the fullest in Nazi concentration camps during World War II.
In 1942, U.S. psychiatrist Foster Kennedy recommended the killing of retarded children. During the three year period between 1941-1943 over 42,000 people were sterilized in America.
After World War II the idea of “eugenics” was tainted in the public by its association with Nazism. The term was discarded and a facelift was performed on its parent study psychiatry, which resulted in the establishment of the World Federation of Mental Health (WFMH). Since then, this group has continued to support electroshock, lobotomization, mind control and other activities already detailed, as well as employing within its ranks many German practitioners who had been happy to further Hitlerian goals during the Second World War.
What this brief survey shows is something the popular press has chosen to ignore: eugenics programs were not the inventions of mad Nazi scientists, but that the political climate of Germany allowed a full implementation of programs part and parcel of international psychiatry and medicine. Eugenics, from its beginning, was encouraged and financed by the rich self-styled “aristocrats” of the day.
Recent programs aimed at abortion and other methods of depopulation can be traced to essentially the same Freemasonic/Round Table/Rothschild-spawned crowd; to the studies of the Club of Rome, the Trilateral Commission, and to the CFR. These groups influenced a change in U.S. policies specifically during 1966-67, when population control was adopted by the State Department as a stated goal.
The recent world depopulation push retains the flavor of eugenics bio-policy of the first half of this century in the statements of advocates such as the Eastern Establishment’s Sergeant Shriver, speaking before the Congressional Select Committee on Population in 1978: “…this Committee’s interest [is] in improving the quality of life and enhancing the biological product of this society; rather than just controlling or limiting birds.”
Jaffe and Dryfoos of the federally-funded Guttmacher Institute have stated that, “With the overall decline in fertility in the United States, concern has shifted from numbers of births to insuring that those children being born have fewer physical, social and economic handicaps.”
It is odd that little mention of “the overall decline in fertility” finds its way into Rockefeller-subsidized literature of depopulation activists. Nor was the fact that teenage pregnancy was at its lowest ebb in forty years brought up when federally mandated family planning and sex education in schools was enacted in 1978.
Studies have shown that sex education classes increase early sexual experimentation while doing nothing to reduce adolescent pregnancy. It has also been demonstrated that when such classes are discontinued, as in Utah in 1980, the incidence of teenage pregnancy decreases. Still, officials insist sex classes should extend from “kindergarten throughout a person’s educational career.” Why? Originators and administrators of the programs candidly admit that their agenda includes depopulation and eugenics.
Lester Kirkendall, a founder of the Sex Information and Education Council, wrote in 1965 that, “sex education is… clearly tied in a socially significant way to family planning and population limitation and policy…” Dr. Jane Hodgson, at the National Abortion Federation conference in 1980, was even more forthright, calling for compulsory abortion for pregnant teenagers.
The methods of sex education programs in public schools vary, but uniformly emphasize the huge expense and drawbacks of having kids, providing summaries of methods of contraception, serialization, and abortion. Students are often taken on tours of birth control clinics, where they meet the staff, fill out patients’ forms, and are assured of the confidentiality of services. Children are also recruited as depopulation activists with pitches informing them, as in widely-used text Meeting Yourself Halfway:
“The population problem is very serious and involves every country on this planet. What steps would you encourage to help resolve the problem?
…volunteer to organize birth-control information centers throughout the country;
…join a pro-abortion lobbying group;
…encourage the limitation of two children per family and have the parents sterilized to prevent further births.”
Much of the sex education literature portrays the nuclear family – long a cohesive political and social glue among the populace – as obsolete and statistically insignificant, while the normalcy of homosexuality and bachelorism (“Playboyism”) is stressed. Children are encouraged to report in detail on conditions at home, to report parental shortcomings, and to divulge disagreements they have with their parents, opening the door to intervention by “social services.”
Davis in Economic Development and Cultural Change says that an effective strategy in lowering the birth rate is to “lessen … the identity of children with parents, or lessen… the likelihood that this identity will be satisfying,” adding that certain trends that might bring population levels down are “very high divorce rates, homosexuality, pornography and free sexual unions…” Davis sees a positive note in “the child welfare services, which have increasingly tended to displace the father as a necessary member of the family, and the health services which have increasingly flouted parental authority with respect to contraception and abortion.” This “flouting of parental authority” is a familiar theme in sex education classes, which repeatedly emphasize the child’s independence from their parents and their ability to make decisions for themselves.
The message to children, provided by proponents of sex education without the courtesy of having the parents agree upon it, is obvious; the world is awash in excess poor population, and something has to be done about it in a hurry, starting at the nearest abortion clinic.
Educator John Taylor Gatto, voted New York’s Top Teacher of 1991, further comments on the mechanisms:
“Social machinery to suppress proliferation of systematic families… has two components: one, a campaign aimed at family-formation before it commences, employing such tactics as encouragement of personal greed (best enjoyed in bachelor style, of course), public pornographic celebrations of the body parts of nubile young woman, effortless divorce, mass adoption, tolerance of sexual ambiguity, and many similar tactics. The second component aims at producing pseudo-families: small households (whether biological or synthetic) without any overriding loyalty to the common family cause. Instead, these are associations of expedience wearing the costume of affection and concern, but always on the lookout for a better deal… During the childhood phase, parents in pseudo-families are made use of by the state to transmit certain values, to maintain and discipline a new serf class composed of their own children, and to report radical cases of deviance to medical, police and re-training authorities… It is a system infused in many places with such black genius in understanding crowd control it is hard not to stand in awe of its unseen architects.”
Target populations for sterilization in the United States bear noting. According to Michael Garrity in Trilateralism, edited by Holly Sklar, American Indian women are being sterilized unbeknownst to them or against their wishes in public health clinics nationwide. Garrity also maintains, “Full blooded Indian woman are the special target of the doctors.”
Ruthann Evannoff, in “Reproductive Rights and Occupational Health” in WIN, has said that, “Overall, at least 25 percent of the Native American women of childbearing age have been sterilized, although the total population numbers less than one million. Recent reports estimate that the percentage sterilized in one tribe alone, the Northern Cheyenne, is close to 80 percent.”
The secret (now declassified) paper NSSM 200, “Implications of Worldwide Population Growth For U.S. Security and Overseas Interests,” also known as the Scowcroft Document (authored by the CFR’s Brent Scowcroft), gives insight into U.S. government plans for population reduction internationally, linking these plans to goals that have very little to do with alleviating human suffering, and everything to do with the maximization of profit.
Prepared in 1974 for the National Security Council (and remember, this is a government document, although one not likely to be offered for free in late night Public Service Announcements) NSSm 200 proposes means for the reduction of worldwide population by “concentration on key [i.e. Third World] countries,” with the stated goal of reduction of population growth rate from an annual 2 percent growth to 1.7 percent.
While this might sound like an altruistic goal proposed by clear-sighted social stewards, intended to reduce suffering in countries with marginal standards of living, the study makes it clear that government interest in depopulation has nothing to do with concern for living standards in developing countries. It is because “The United States has become increasingly dependent on mineral imports from developing countries” and ” endemic famine, food riots, and breakdown of social order… are scarcely inducive to systematic exploration for mineral deposits or the long-term investments necessary for their exploration.” Note that the breakdown of “social order” referred to consists of the populace revolting against their living conditions.
One of the conclusions of the study is that “mandatory [emphasis added] population control measures” may be “appropriate.”
Speaking of depopulation programs currently being implemented in the Third World, former Brazilian health minister Carlos Santana said, “The World Bank, through their reports of its Presidents, has always made its proselytizing for a rigid birth control policy explicit,” Santana reported that included in World Bank credit packages and investment in Third World countries is an implicit agenda of depopulation, and questioned why Brazil was targeted for birth reduction, with approximately forty per cent of Brazilian woman having been already sterilized.
What the depopulators omit saying is that in Brazil mast of the depopulation programs are being directed toward the native population, and that they are implementing an alternative program to the pistoleiros hired to attack small landowning families, appropriating the land for the use of large cash-croppers and the international conglomerates that are stripping the country bare.
Depopulation programs run worldwide are directed and funded by major international money interests, including McGeorge Bundy of the CFR, the architect of nuclear Mutual Assured Destruction policy; Warren E. Buffet, the second wealthiest man in the United States; and, ubiquitous when it comes to eugenics funding, the Rockefellers.
Planned Parenthood Federation of America and International Planned Parenthood Federation are Buffett-funded and run a huge abortion and sterilization network worldwide, with one subsidiary, the Brazilian Society for Family Welfare, having over 2,500 outlets in that country.
While, at first glance depopulation programs may seem like a good idea to promote the reduction of mouths-to-feed worldwide, what they ignore are the root causes of overpopulation. High birth rates are the direct result of poor living standards of he areas, and in countries where malnutrition has been reduced and the incidence of child-death lowered, birth rates have also lessened.
The Third World (in particular) is being forcefully relieved of natural resources and exploited for cheap labor, and is in fact no doubt seen by elite landowners and major corporations as only maintaining maximum profitability as long as it is kept in abject poverty.
“The strategy of underdevelopment” is the term used by agriculture economist Harry Cleaver. Rather than offering the people in rich countries such as Brazil, in actuality one of the richest countries in the world, an equitable portion of profits made through the use of their resources, they are manipulated (when not killed outright) and kept at the razor edge between starvation and profitability.
Depopulation organizations propagandize that we are experiencing a crisis of epic proportions; that the world is reaching the point where it can no longer support the number of people living on it. In many instances population may in fact be economically beneficial, and tending to a long-term increase of arable land and per capita (rather than per corporation) income. Also noted is a current usage of approximately three-tenths of one percent of the planet’s surface for human habitation, an amount sustainable with no limit to growth on sight.
United Nations and U.S. Department of Agriculture statistics show that world food production has increased more rapidly than population growth in recent years, while Colin Clark, former director of the Agriculture Economic Institute of Oxford University has stated that farmers could currently support seven times the current population of the Earth, or twenty-one times the current population at Japanese standards of food consumption.
Roger Revelle, former director of the Harvard Center for Population Studies estimates that current agricultural resources could provide an adequate diet for eight times the current populace, i.e. forty billion individuals, and has estimated that Africa is capable of feeding ten times its current population. Revelle quotes Dr. David Hopper, another agricultural expert:
“The world’s food problem does not arise from any physical limitation on potential output or any danger of unduly stressing the environment. The limitations on abundance are to be found in social and political structures of nations and in the economic relations among them. The unexploited global food resources are there, between Cancer and Capricorn. The successful husbandry of that resource depends on the will and actions of men.” Hopper pronounces “world fascism” very politely.
Francis Moore Lappe of the Institute for Food and Development Policy maintains:
“If the cause of hunger is neither scarcity of food, nor scarcity of land, we’ve come to see that it’s a scarcity of democracy. That may sound rather contrived, because in the West we tend to think of democracy as a political concept. But democracy is really a principle of accountability; in other words, those making the decisions must be accountable to those who are affected by them. Once we understand hunger as a scarcity of democracy, what we are saying is that from the village level to the level of international commerce, fewer and fewer people are making decisions, and more and more anti-democratic structures are being entrenched. This is the cause of hunger.” And, it should be repeated, the cause of overpopulation.
“[Sterilization could] be applied to an ever widening circle of social discards, beginning always with the criminal, the diseased and the insane, and extending gradually to types which may be called weaklings rather than defectives, and perhaps ultimately to worthless race types.”- The Passing of the Great Race by Madison Grant, co-founder American Eugenics Society
“The very word eugenics is in disrepute in some quarters … We must ask ourselves, what have we done wrong?
I think we have failed to take into account a trait which is almost universal and is very deep in human nature. People simply are not willing to accept the idea that the genetic base on which their character was formed is inferior and should not be repeated in the next generation. We have asked whole groups of people to accept this idea and we have asked individuals to accept it. They have constantly refused and we have all but killed the eugenic movement … they won’t accept the idea that they are in general second rate. We must rely on other motivation. … it is surely possible to build a system of voluntary unconscious selection. But the reasons advanced must be generally acceptable reasons. Let’s stop telling anyone that they have a generally inferior genetic quality, for they will never agree. Let’s base our proposals on the desirability of having children born in homes where they will get affectionate and responsible care, and perhaps our proposals will be accepted.”- From Galton and Mid Century Eugenics by Frederick Osborn, Galton Lecture 1956, in Eugenics Review, vol. 48, 1, 1956
“Those least fit to carry on the race are increasing most rapidly … Funds that should be used to raise the standard of our civilization are diverted to maintenance of those who should never have been born.”- From The Pivot of Civilization quoted in Margaret Sanger (founder of Planned Parenthood), by Elsah Droghin.
Further Reading & Research
- The Roots of Racism and Abortion: An Exploration of Eugenics
- THE MEN BEHIND HITLER: A German warning to the world
- THE SCIENTIFIC BACKGROUND OF THE NAZI RACE PURIFICATION PROGRAM, US & German Eugenics, Ethnic Cleansing, Genocide, Population Control
- Population Control, Nazis, and the U.N: ROCKEFELLER AND MASS MURDER
- The Population Control Agenda
- Human Genome: Hi-Tech Eugenics
- British Psychiatry: From Eugenics to Assassination
- The Negro Project: Margaret Sanger’s Eugenic Plan for Black Americans
- Robbing the Cradle: The Rockefellers’ Support of Planned Parenthood
- Funding the Eugenics Movement
- Population ‘Control’, New World Order Style
- THE NEW AMERICAN: Issues in Focus – Population Control
- Malthus Was Wrong; So Were William Vogt and Paul Ehrlich [October 22, 2001]
- In China Bush Must Extricate U.S. From Crimes Against Humanity: Eugenics and Forced Abortion [Feb. 22, 2002]
- Major class action suit filed against Planned Parenthood [April 2, 2002]
- The Remastered Race [April 11, 2002]
- PRI Weekly News Briefing Archive